Ok. So this is that time of the year again when everybody asks me questions about Imran Khan.

Oh no not again, I groan. I am not his keeper you know. I don't know why he does what he does. I just like him enough to have written one thousand and twenty one fiery columns in favour of him. That's all.

Other than that he is just one ordinary Imran Khan, who unfortunately doesn't consult me each time he gives a statement about Taliban, ok? So leave me alone.

And don't even start on the nepotism allegations.

Do you have any idea what pains I had to go through to enter his second rally in Lahore last year? Yes, despite having written one thousand and twenty one fiery columns in his favour I ended up getting stuck in the middle of a few dozen transvestites wearing ‘I am tsunami’ T-shirts and dancing to the tune of ‘Beat It’. And then I almost fell in a ditch full of rainwater and had to be rescued by a bunch of Shahbaz Sharif fans who called me aunty.

Trust me, a man who lets Shahbaz Sharif fans call me aunty and can't even arrange for me to enter his own rally without rubbing shoulders with transvestites, is not very good at nepotism really.

In fact can we please change the subject? I think I am going to cry. So that's how I avert the IK bashers' onslaught. By using weird humour as a defence mechanism. Because you see, amidst all the noise for the Taliban talks, it sometimes becomes difficult even for me to keep defending Imran Khan.

People ask me why my funny bone was not tickled over the demand of a Taliban office, and I tell them that my funny bone was tickled alright. I do have amusing thoughts in my head which revolve around the universal question of “What exactly would they do in a Taliban office?“ Would they just sit there and think about killing all the ladies? Or would they write grant proposals to the US for their next bombing project?

I might even have potentially witty ideas about what would happen if the Taliban were to take over Lahore. How all Lahori men (and some women) will walk around with long beards, because there would be no barber shops or beauty salons left in the city. And how the divorce rate will skyrocket because of the Taliban's ‘Don't leave your women alone’ policy.

But then there is a reason why despite my strong reservations about the Taliban talks project, I haven't given up on Imran Khan yet, and don't plan to do so in the near future.

You see the kind of support Imran Khan has generated in his 17 years of political struggle, is not the kind of support that's going to die in a day. It's because this support comes from a certain kind of belief system and not from some superficial, momentary, reactionary lapse that many people attribute it to. The so-called Pied Piper effect seen after October 30 2011, which many people attribute to a collective naiveté of a disillusioned people, had actually started building its momentum years before. On October 30 it just manifested itself. It is a product of people's carefully formulated conviction in Imran Khan which has a solid, empirical core grounded in his track record. And I am willing to give this empirical core a chance to prove itself yet again.

It's just plain unfortunate that the very first test of this belief system has come through a problem that apparently has no solution. The Taliban problem.

True that Imran Khan has chosen to be on the more unpopular side of an argument which has no popular sides any way. Let's talk to the Taliban, he says and see if it solves the problem that hasn't been solved in more than a decade with the more popular solutions. Now technically this is not something that only Imran Khan is saying. Right or wrong this is the course all political parties of the country want to take (the PPP included). But somehow Imran Khan is the one who becomes more answerable than all, maybe because he has held this view the longest.

Now the question is: what do we do now?

The more you look at it, the more you realise that no matter which side you are on, each side boils down to two basic problems: innocent deaths, and a lack of a workable solution. If drones continue to happen, then innocent people continue to die and the Taliban continue to re-group and re-grow. But then if drones are stopped then the Taliban still continue to re-group and re-grow and innocent people still continue to die because the Taliban have never promised an unconditional ceasefire. We have no way of knowing what they might do if any of their whimsical conditions are not met at any point of time.

And this is where I find myself in partial agreement with Imran Khan. What's the plan if not this, he asks. And I ask this question with him.

I don't know how successful this idea is going to be and I shudder at the thought of questions posed to me in the corridors of my workplace if things go horribly wrong. Questions that are grounded in hardcore academic scholarship and questions that do make a point.

Yet, if Imran Khan is indeed the politician that I think he is, then I trust him to be fully aware of what is at stake here. I trust that he is not going to blow his very first chance to prove himself as a politician just because he carelessly miscalculated something.

I trust that Imran Khan knows what he is doing. And I hope he does it well.

The writer is a graduate student at the University of Oxford, and faculty member at LUMS.